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Research Projects
A considerable portion of my research and publications is based on my fieldwork
in (Western) Samoa (1978-79, 1981, 1988, 2000) and in Southern California (1990-95),
with immigrants from the Samoan islands and their children. In Samoa I studied
verbal art, politics, everyday encounters, register variation, and literacy
practices. In Southern California, I studied family interaction, literacy practices
in the home and in the Sunday school, and church activities. In the work done
in Samoa, my overall project has been to provide an ethnographically informed
description of a wide range of speech activities Samoans engage in. In so doing,
I have had two goals in mind: (a) to provide a fairly comprehensive sense of
what it means to be a speaker of Samoan from a perspective I called Samoan
ethnopragmatics; and (b) to use Samoan communicative practices as a way of
testing theories and methods in linguistic anthropology and related fields.
My work on Samoan language and culture can be seen as devoted to two related dimensions of human practice and its
symbolic representation: (i) intentionality and (ii) agency. The interest in the epistemological and ontological
foundations of intentionality came out of a combination of (i) ethnographic and linguistic observations and (ii)
theoretical readings in dialogically oriented theories of interpretation and social action. After a number of years
spent studying Samoan verbal exchanges, I came to the conclusion that the common view of meaning as reading the intentions
of the speaker is highly problematic and that the audience, especially certain types of interlocutors, has an important role
to play in the definition of what someone (else) means to say. I articulated these thoughts in a number of articles which
focussed on Samoan ways of speaking and interpreting or directly dealt with a number of philosophical traditions that used
intentions in their accounts of meaning and interpretation.
The same perspective informed my discussion of speech acts
and participation in my
book Linguistic Anthropology (1997) and
my project on the 1995-96 political campaign of the late Walter
Capps for U.S. Congress, which provided an unprecedented
quantity and quality of political discourse by one candidate across both public and private interactions and exposed me to
a new set of theoretical and methodological questions. In particular, I became interested in analyzing the forces that shaped
the candidate's daily public presentation of self and limited his attempts to control the political process he originated by
his decision to run for office. This project was meant to contribute to a model of political discourse in contemporary U.S.
and provide an understanding of the moral dilemmas caused by the decision to assume a new public identity.
The second dimension, agency, a notion that has received
a considerable amount of attention within anthropology and sociology in the
last decade, was at the center of my From Grammar to
Politics (1994) but not fully developed beyond its representational force. More recently, I have returned to agency in a
comparative perspective and from a wider theoretical stand. The first installment of this expansion can be found in my keynote
address at the 2001 SALSA conference, revisions and expansions are in progress for a number of
publications [More].
Over the years, I have also been interested in the construction of activities,
their temporal and spatial organization, and the relationship between action
that is planned and action that emerges out of the contingencies of the immediate
context. My work on the universal and local properties of greetings is part of
this research enterprise. More recently, I have expanded this area to the study
of how jazz musicians communicate musical ideas and manage to coordinate their
action while creating "on the spot." (see Acquisition
of Jazz Aesthetics and The
Culture of Jazz Aesthetics).
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