Spring/Summer 1999
Interred with a 13-year-old boy in the Malibu Historic cemetary, the brass medal is stained with ochre, is about 2.0 cm in length, portrays a bearded St. Francis de Sales, and was probably struck in Italy before 1825.	SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA "and both parents are fond of their children" Reinterpretation of Wealthy Chumash Child Burials by Terisa Green MEDEA CREEK, AN INLAND SITE LOCATED IN THE CITY OF AGOURA, CONTAINED A completely excavated Late Period cemetery (circa AD 1300 to 1785) with an estimated population of 400 individuals accompanied by 27,000 associated artifacts. Malibu, a named historic village (Humaliwo in Chumash), located on the coast approximately 15 km southeast of Medea Creek via the drainage of Malibu Canyon, contains a completely excavated Historic period cemetery (AD 1775-1805) with an estimated population of 140 individuals with approximately 58,000 artifacts. In both cemeteries, children and infants, despite being outnumbered by adults, accounted for roughly double the amount of artifacts. They were also usually accompanied by approximately three times as many artifacts per capita and were statistically differentiated from adults on the basis of artifact quantities in several different categories. Chumash ethnography informs us that a system of inheritance was in operation during the Historic period. We also know from ethnography that personal property was inherited not only by children but also by other relatives and that inheritance could even be extended to guild or society brethren. In addition, we know that at least some portion (and in some cases all) of the personal property of an adult was destroyed upon death. Thus, the flow of goods from older to younger generations tends to meander and is sometimes even completely diverted. Even if we were to assume that inheritance was practiced in family lines, primarily from parent to child, it would mean that the bulk of wealth, though not necessarily all, would go to the heirs and not into the grave. If, however, inherited wealth was being deposited into the graves of children and infants at Medea Creek and Malibu, we would then expect that not all of them would be treated differentially, since presumably only wealthy or high-status families would be able to provide a wealthy burial and that not even all of the children in a wealthy family would receive special treatment. In fact, in support of inherited wealth or status, we do find that not all children receive a wealthy burial. Indeed, many of them have no more artifacts than adults. Thus, the individual nature of the their treatment argues for some mechanism that singles out individuals in some special way, which may well be inheritance or family status. Certain adult individuals, however, also receive wealthy burials and special treatment. We can say statistically, though, that wealthy children are simply much wealthier than wealthy adults. Thus, there is also some systemic mechanism creating an overall higher number of artifacts in the graves of children. Inheritance of wealth, ascribed status, or a restriction in funerary rites, while all possible contributors to the predominance of wealthy child burials and frequently cited as such, are inconsistent and illogical as explanations of the phenomenon. Perhaps more compelling are the ethnographic and historic observervations, such as the missionary at Mission Santa Inés quoted in the title of this article, who noted that the Chumash were particularly fond of their children and especially troubled at their death. One possible explanation for the higher incidence of artifacts in child burials may then be that the mourners were particularly moved by the death of a child. Death and burial evoke some of our deepest emotions, fears, and beliefs. To view a wealthy child burial only in terms of social hierarchy or power negotiations, especially for the Chumash, seems narrow. Why, then, does this view dominate? Statistical rigor and a close reading of ethnohistoric documents did not provide a clear answer as to why Chumash child burials tend to be wealthy. The inability to close upon a single solution is ultimately both unsatisfying and unsettling. It is, however, perhaps more reflective of the broad continuum of human experience. Archaeologists routinely deal with the consequences of action, but the motivations of action tend to languish. Finally, however, an attempt to articulate a past that is imbued with emotion simply lacks credibility-speculative, untestable, and academically "soft." Part of individual and group experience and affecting many other aspects of culture, emotion is socially constructed. It cannot be excavated, but we cannot simply ignore it. Among the Chumash, a wealthy child burial is the result of a different set of funerary rites or higher family status, as well as a distinct expression of emotion. Terisa Green is a student in the Archaeology Program. Like all Backdirt authors, she can be reached through the Publications email address (ioapubs@ucla.edu).
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