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Asian
American Studies 197A
Winter Quarter 2002
Koreatown
Restaurant Workers Organizing Campaign
Chong
Ahn, Minyoung Bae, Esther Cho, Eleanor Choi, Jean Kim, Brian
Lim, Sean Na
Introduction
As
UCLA students, we see Koreatown as an arena that encompasses
our Korean culture here in Los Angeles, whether it be indulging
in the Korean cuisine, finding Korean groceries, or socializing
at karaoke bars or dance clubs. When we look past the external
appearances, we can see that there are many important intricate
pieces that contribute to the growth of Koreatown’s economy.
Of course, we have grown accustomed to seeing Latino employees
in Korean-owned small businesses. For many of us, we assumed
that the reason to explain such dynamics would be that since
the area is heavily populated by Latinos, both ethnicities
have made shared-use of the space. However, as we delved further
into our research in the Koreatown restaurant industry, we
discovered some secrets that had been kept hidden.
The
exploitation of immigrant workers in Koreatown was once a
sheltered issue, closed to the public’s awareness. Even
after the situations were exposed through the actions of community
organizations and its advocates, the community reacted silently
and angrily because those issues were shameful and wanted
to keep it behind closed doors. Eventually community organizations
and the exploited restaurant workers came together to create
a voice that was being heard. The majority of these restaurant
workers were Korean immigrant employees who were fighting
back against unjust working conditions. In essence, Korean
women were at the heart of the foundation of the Korean Restaurant
Workers Campaign.
The
themes that our research is going to touch upon include interethnic
unity between Korean and Latino workers, the changing gender
relationship between male employers and female employees,
confronting globalization issues, and expanding worker’s
human rights and increasing awareness about California labor
laws. Through these labor struggles, even though they were
a negative reflection on working society, it brought about
positive outcomes and improved working conditions in the Korean-owned
restaurants.
Korean
Immigrant Workers Advocates (KIWA)
The
Korean Immigrant Workers Advocates (KIWA) is a community organization
that "works to build grassroots multi-ethnic base of low wage
immigrant workers (MIWON 1)." Located in Koreatown, KIWA
was founded in March 1992 and was derived from the Multi-ethnic
Immigrant Workers Organizing Network (MIWON). KIWA has
made "significant contributions to the empowerment of Korean
immigrant workers through successful worker-led campaigns
and organizing (MIWON 2)." The organization "continuously
works with other progressive organizations to contribute to
the numerous issues that affect workers and their families
by communicating, supporting, advocating, and building strong
coalitions with other grassroots groups (MIWON 2)."
KIWA's
mission is to "empower low wage immigrant workers and to develop
a progressive constituency and leadership amongst low wage
immigrant workers in Los Angeles that can join the struggle
in solidarity with other underrepresented communities for
social change and justice (www.kiwa.org)."
KIWA's strong and continuous efforts have made a strong impact
in the unfair treatment of immigrant workers in the restaurant
industry. Here, we will look into the situation in the restaurant
industry in regards to wages, abuse, and undocumented workers,
the Restaurant Workers Justice Campaign, the accomplishments,
and what is to come in the future.
A
few minor setbacks
One
important thing that we wanted to make note of was that members
of the Korean community did not always favorably look upon
KIWA. Before its organization was officially established,
founders Roy Hong and Danny Park supported the 175 union workers
who became unemployed after Koreana Hotel Co., Ltd. purchased
the Wilshire Hyatt in Los Angeles. The Korean community saw
this as an act of betrayal against the Korean union and its
owners. Initially this was one of the situations that prevented
KIWA from receiving positive reactions from the Koreans.
Another
serious of events that brought about a loss of respect for
KIWA was when its handling of sexual harassment incidents
surrounding an ex-in-house attorney and three former staff
organizers was deemed unacceptable and distastefully through
the public’s eyes. Alyssa Kang, who was once a part of
KIWA’s Jessica McClintock campaign contributed:
"No
matter what you think about their politics, even if I believe
in the issues they’re organizing around, if they’re
not offering safe place for their own employees to work, what
does that say? It’s hypocritical to work on immigrant
rights and Thai garment worker issues, if you can’t deal
with this kind of internal gender dynamic (John Lee, "Real
Good Food at a Price," Gidra, Spring 1999, Volume
1, Issue 1: pg 18)."
Needless
to say, women were able to look past these gender concerns
within the KIWA organization, because eventually Korean women
sought support in organizing against their unjust working
conditions.
Working-class
immigrants
Nearly
half a million Korean immigrants live and work in the Los
Angeles County. Forty-percent of the half-million work in
Korean-owned small businesses in Koreatown. This is largely
due to the language barriers, lack of jobs, and discrimination.
The constant inflow of new immigrants from Korea has no knowledge
of the U.S. labor laws and most often do not have immigration
papers. Thus, employers know this and exploit them by making
them a source of "cheap labor." Before KIWA stepped in,
immigrant workers in Koreatown were paid sub-minimum wages
with no workers' compensation, health insurance, overtime
pay, or health and safety protection. Immigrant workers usually
work 10-14 hours per day, six days per week for wages as low
as $2.20 per hour. Many waitresses make $500 per month which
is a breakdown of $1.31 per hour.
Women
and Latino immigrant workers (including undocumented)
On
top of not getting their correct wages, workers receive degrading
and slave-like treatment, including verbal and physical mistreatment.
Women were often sexually as well as physically harassed.
Liz Sunwoo, who is an activist at KIWA, described the
situation for women employees:
"Korean
women, and women in general, who work in low wage jobs are
very difficult. Not only do they receive a lot of verbal abuse,
a lot of them receive physical abuse. Women were beaten by
their employers because they said something wrong. Women have
been sexually harassed by employers and customers. It
is very difficult to be in that situation. A lot of these
women feel trapped (Interview, February 22, 2002)."
To
further illustrate many women often reported receiving discriminatory
gender practices "imported" from Korean service
sectors. In addition, it has been said that "Korean restaurant
owners often prefer pretty, young faces to attract male customers
and are turned down (Louie, 148)." Women are hired because
of their young age and many are turned down if they appear
to be older. In addition to sexual discrimination, there is
also age discrimination. Lee Jung Hee disclosed of such abuse:
"A
lot of the employers ask the waitresses to go out for a drink
after work, stuff like that. If you don’t do it, they
won’t think very well of you. Even while I’m working,
employers will sometimes ask you to have a drink. Those
kinds of things are very hard to tolerate, very hard to see.
I’ve seen a lot of that around me. When I started working
again, I applied to about four places. The first place
I went to had a lot of customers who came to drink in
the evening. The employer told me that because I look like
a traditional housewife; I couldn’t really match or play-up
the atmosphere the male customers who came at night wanted
so I wasn’t fit for the job. That’s why I had
to leave that job (Louie, 147)."
Women
weren't the only workers that were exploited, Latino workers
also faced discrimination. It is appalling to see the mentality
of the employers and how they treat their employees. The mentality
to treat employees like they're nothing is solely due to the
fact that "about 85% of the Korean and Latino restaurant workers
are undocumented. Their undocumented status provides the fuel
that employers need to instill fear and intimidation in their
workforce. Workers who stand up for their rights are fired
without pay by their employer and often blacklisted (MIWON
3)." To cut costs and maximize profits, employers do
not pay the right wages, treat their workers right, and fire
them for no reason.
The
restaurant campaign was the second major fight KIWA took on
and it was the one that put KIWA on the map. The founders
of KIWA, in general, conducted research and talked to workers
to find out what the issues that were being faced in the restaurant
industry. What they found was that the restaurant industry
was the second exploited industry, but also the most profitable
in Koreatown. They found out the workers were getting way
below minimum wage and also a vast amount of workers experienced
severe injuries (health and safety violations). Major cases
came forward and told their stories. One disheartening story
was that of Mrs. Jung Hee Lee. As revealed by Sunwoo,
this is her story that led to the spur of the Restaurant campaign:
"I
(Liz Sunwoo) was first introduced to Mrs. Lee because she
had a huge injury at her workplace. The restaurant business
is where 70% workers are Korean women between the ages of
30-50 years old. Korean food has a lot of side dishes and
a lot of dishes like Ji Gae (very hot stew), and
even the BBQ, we have these stone pots that are really heavy
and have to carry all that on one tray. It doesn't help that
employers wereleaving grease on the floor. So, what happens
is Mrs. Lee was carrying a very hot Ji Gae in a stone
pot and slipped on the grease, which was sitting on the
floor all day, burned her body, and was unable to work. She
came back and said ‘I can't pay for these medical bills
and can't come to work.’ What the employer is supposed
to do is pay workers' comp. He didn't and fired her (Interview,
February 22, 2002)."
The
reason why Mrs. Lee was not paid for workers' compensation
is that up to "80% of the restaurants do not carry the required
workers’ compensation insurance, and health and safety
laws are routinely violated (MIWON 3)." Workers who are
injured while working are often forced to pay, by the employer,
their own medical bills and treatment.
After
hearing cases like this one, KIWA organized Korean and Latino
restaurant workers to form a group and to lead the Restaurant
Workers
Justice
Campaign. The campaign was mostly lead by the Korean women
as well as Mrs. Lee. Sunwoo mentioned, "A lot of the leadership
came from the Korean women and they are the ones that really
lead the campaign (Interview, February 22, 2002)." The
Restaurant Workers Campaign began in 1996 as a response to
exploitation and inhumane treatment of workers in the Koreatown
restaurant industry. The campaign's goals included (1) a demand
for an industry-wide reform that included raising sub-minimum
wages; (2) raising substandard working conditions; (3) gaining
a strong voice for the workers in the workplace and in the
community. In essence, the campaign goals were to improve
basic working conditions while empowering the 2,000 Korean
and Latino workers in the industry to stand up for their rights.
The
campaign sought to improve conditions as an industry wide
basis instead of individual businesses. When KIWA's campaign
began, approximately 90% of restaurant workers did not have
workers' compensation insurance, even though it is required
by law. The strategies that were conducted were, first, doing
an intake and finding out the situation at the restaurants
through interviewing the workers. The staff at KIWA then wrote
the employer a letter informing them what injustice they are
doing to their employee. Then try to make the employee and
employers meet face to face and try to reconcile. If that
doesn't work, then the second strategy would come into use:
try to get the Korean women and Latinos in one room to organize
and think of realistic goals for themselves. This eventually
leads to the third strategy which would be: Fighting back
through means of protesting, letters to the employers, hunger
strikes, picketing, boycotting, etc…. Liz pointed out
that these workers aren't fighting about their right pay.
"It's not just about a money issue, but a respect and dignity
issue."
The
campaign has been very successful and evidence for this is
found in a 1999 study conducted in the Korean restaurant industry;
workers reported augmenting improvements in hourly wages,
time cards, and knowledge of labor laws and workers' right
from two years ago. In terms of wages, there have been improvements
with only 34.3% reported earnings at or above the minimum
wage in 1997, but almost 61.7% received legal wages two years
later. Employers are providing at least minimum pay with 8-hour
work days. Also, nearly seventy-percent of employers are providing
workers compensation to their employees. Sunwoo pointed out
that through the campaign, 80% of the workers know their rights.
With that statistic, KIWA knew they made a big impact on the
community.
That's
not all, within the last year there has been a general change
in attitude among many of the employers. Employers are much
more cautious when dealing with their employees. Verbal and
physical abuse, which was an everyday occurrence, has declined
greatly. Not only was this campaign successful within the
industry, but also in the community. The community, which
rejected KIWA's good work, is now acknowledging that workers’
rights are important and should be on check. Even though the
working conditions have gotten a lot better, there's still
more that can be done.
Even
though the Restaurant Worker's Campaign has won many battles,
there are many more obstacles that are needed to overcome
in the present as well as the future. To keep the fight going
KIWA organized RWAK (the Restaurant Workers Association
of Koreatown), have yearly minimum wage campaigns, enforce
the current labor laws, and help workers with their documentation
issues.
As
mentioned above, KIWA organized RWAK, which emerged from the
Korean Workers Justice Campaign. RWAK represents and empowers
workers and keeps the restaurant industry accountable in the
long term. The mission of RWAK "is to be an independent organization
that fights to improve the working conditions of workers from
human dignity and to unite all workers to help themselves
and their co-workers. In accordance, the association will
organize workers, educate and organize members, fight against
bad working conditions, organize support groups, promote the
well being of members, and recruit and maintain fund for the
association (www.kiwa.org)."
Every year KIWA runs the minimum wage campaign and the main
objective is to educate workers on the U.S. labor laws and
the current minimum wage. KIWA wants to target the recent
immigrants because they are the ones that aren't too familiar
with the laws. The main message KIWA wants to get out to them
is even though they are undocumented, they are still covered
by the law, and can stand up for themselves.
KIWA
also is trying hard to enforce the laws and pound it in the
heads of the employers. The labor laws are substantial, but
the enforcement is light, especially in Koreatown. The next
thing KIWA tries to do is help the immigrant workers with
their documentation issues. Sunwoo strongly believes that
education is the main emphasis is the long run:
"The
restaurant business is volatile and will come and go. But,
the workers will move from one restaurant to the other. The
worker with the education and knowledge will be the ones who
can educate others have others stand up for their rights.
As you can see, education is contagious. Much of the fighting
has been done, now it's time to educate the new incoming workers
on the U.S. labor laws and the knowledge of their rights and
wages (Interview, February 22, 2002)."
KIWA
has done a remarkable job in aiding the immigrant workers
in their fight for justice and equal rights. The legacy of
the "shared (grassroots) leadership" was the essential part
of the whole campaign. Workers from different ethnic backgrounds
had to come together and fight for their rights. This was
a community effort, not an individual effort. The fight for
the immigrant workers' right was a collective force in order
to voice opinion and stand up for their rights. The community
rejected the whole notion and saw it as a display of dirty
laundry for the public to see. This campaign made changes
in the community by paving the way for new immigrants, getting
their voices heard, creating a more pleasant and fair working
environment, and getting acknowledgement from the community
about how important worker's rights are. More than the issue
on collecting their correct hours of wages the immigrant workers
just want to be treated with respect and dignity, which is
priceless. (For a more detailed report on the change in impact
KIWA has made, please refer to the "Survey of working conditions
in Koreatown Restaurants" at www.kiwa.org.)
Do
any of these restaurants sound familiar?
When
considering a place to eat in the Koreatown and its surrounding
cities, some of us are not familiar with its political history
(if any). Here is a listing of some restaurants where employees
have reported claims against their unjust working conditions:
Busan
Sushi Bar
201 N. Western Ave.
Los
Angeles, CA. 90004
Chinese
Mandarin House
(inside the Koreatown Plaza food court)
928 S. Western Ave., #147
Los
Angeles, CA. 90006
Golf
Sushi Bar
239 S. Vermont Ave.
Los
Angeles, CA. 90004
Hae
Woon Dae Galbi
946 S. Vermont Ave.
Los
Angeles, CA. 90004
Hwa
Gae Jang Toh
543 S. Western Ave., Suite E
Los
Angeles, CA. 90020
Hwang
Ga Nae
15410 S. Western Ave.
Gardena,
CA. 90249
Hyundae
Health Center (Sauna)
3625 W. 6th Street
Los
Angeles, CA. 90020
Korean
Soup Restaurant
3524 W. 8th Street
Los
Angeles, CA. 90005
Marronier
3479 W. 6th Street, #8B
Los
Angeles, CA. 90005
Moa
Moa
3900 Wilshire Blvd.
Los
Angeles, CA. 90010
Nam
Dae Moon Jip
3470 W. 6th, #2
Los
Angeles, CA. 90004
Oxford
Palace
745 S. Oxford Ave.
Los
Angeles, CA. 90006
Saritgol
3189
W. Olympic Blvd.
Los Angeles, CA. 90006
Secret
Garden BBQ
1925 W. Olympic Blvd.
Los
Angeles, CA. 90006
Shin
Sa Myun Ok
3470 W. 6th Street, #6
Los
Angeles, CA. 90006
Song
Do Seafood
377 N. Western Ave.
Los
Angeles, CA. 90004
Soot
Bull Jeep
3136 W. 8th Street
Los
Angeles, CA. 90005
Todai
Sushi
20401 Ventura Blvd.
Woodland
Hills, CA. 91364
Tonkatsu
House
(in the Koreatown Plaza food court)
928 S. Western Ave., #127
Los
Angeles, CA. 90006
The
Koreatown Restaurant Workers Campaign history
Throughout
this quarter, our committee was able to visit and obtain background
research on four particular restaurants in Koreatown that
have previously had publicized political activity. Below are
the descriptions of such accounts.
Elephant
Snack
Elephant
Snack is located at 901 S. Western Avenue #101 in Koreatown.
Eight of its former employees sued the restaurant for its
non-compliance with California wage laws. This restaurant
was found to have been denying workers their correct incomes
and was practicing illegal trade practices such as blacklisting.
The Korean owners denied their workers compensation for these
practices and had to endure a lengthy campaign that was organized
by members of the community and the workers of the restaurant.
After a year of deliberation and picketing in front of the
restaurant by students, workers and supporters, a settlement
was made on March 20th, 2001, for unpaid wages
and penalties.
In
the settlement, the employer agreed to pay compensation (the
exact amount was not mentioned) and agreed to participate
in procedures to ensure compliance with labor laws. In detail,
the employer agreed to allow KIWA and MALDEF (Mexican American
Legal Defense and Educational Fund) monitor payroll practices
and present labor law seminars for the workers at Elephant
Snack Bar. ("Employees Settle Wage Claims with K-Town
Restaurant," Korea Times, April 6, 2001.)
Pho
LA
Pho
LA is located on 3470 W. 6TH Street #5 in Koreatown.
It is right next to many prominent businesses such as the
Equitable Building, the Wilshire Financial Towers, and many
other shops. Opened during the period of fashionable food
trends, the owners decided to create a restaurant that was
very profitable. However, workers were denied their income,
often times waiting many more weeks to receive their pay or
none at all. Efforts have been made to rally against this
injustice to the immigrant workers and pickets by supporters
have been conducted. Improved conditions are being worked
on and supporters believe that the outcome will be favorable
(www.latimes.com,
www.kiwa.com,
www.indymedia.org).
Bak
Hwa Jung Restaurant
Having
heard of the organization through leaflets distributed by
KIWA organizers, three Latino workers from Bak Hwa Jung Restaurant
approached KIWA with back wage claims in June 1998. One worker
had worked 12 hours a day, 6 days a week, for three years,
earning $1000 a month (or $2.43 an hour). He was terminated
in June 1998. The second worker was terminated not long after
afterwards.
With KIWA's help, the three workers initiated a campaign
for back wages, beginning with a direct visit and demand for
wages against their employer. When the employer responded
by threatening to report the two workers to INS, KIWA and
the workers decided that a more public fight was needed to
educate the community about the basic human rights of all
immigrant workers, regardless of immigration status.
The
four-and-a-half-month consumer boycott, culminating in daily
pickets by community supporters, succeeded when the restaurant’s
representative Hyun Sook Park agreed to pay back wages for
three workers. This triumph sent a strong message of multicultural
unity between Latino and Korean workers in the Koreatown restaurant
campaign. Restaurant worker Jorge Castillo revealed, "The
boycott was difficult (financially) on myself and my family.
However I am satisfied with the result. This struggle showed
that employers must not use race to intimidate and take advantage
of the workers ("Victory at Baek Hwa Jung," Koreatown
Restaurant Workers Justice Campaign, January 1999)."
Chosun
Galbi
Chosun
Galbi restaurant is located on 1040 S. Western Avenue in Koreatown.
The owners of this establishment were practicing illegal trade
practices of blacklisting and the suppression of a worker’s
basic rights. Being the biggest and most modern of the four
restaurants, the owners have no need to be practicing such
unfair actions. However, the head cook, Mr. Park, was fired
because he refused to sign documents that would incriminate
him in paying the employer’s payroll taxes. Such abuse
of power was not to be taken lightly, and members of the community,
along with KIWA, picketed the restaurant on a daily basis,
causing much pressure on the owners.
It
is also important to note that in this conflict, Cho Sun Galbi
had support from the Korean Restaurant Owners Association
(KROA) who activated a Korean American media blackout
of the boycott and campaign. KROA was able to follow through
with that tactic because the local Korean language media rely
heavily on the advertising support from Koreatown restaurants.
In addition, Cho Sun Galbi tried retaliating legally filing
a lawsuit against KIWA.
After
six months of deliberation, with gathered signatures and a
nine-day hunger strike over the Christmas holidays, this campaign
proved to be successful. This particular campaign was unique
in that such a hunger strike had never been instigated before
in Koreatown. This strategy challenged the "business
as usual" attitude that many of the restaurant workers
hold, thinking that they, the employer, have the power to
oppress and fire workers who speak out against their working
conditions.
In
the settlement, the owners agreed to pay back wages and abide
by the basic labor laws of California. They also agreed to
give Mr. Park his job back. This campaign is noted as one
of the biggest successes the community and community-based
organizations have had in the restaurant campaign for immigrant
workers rights. (Paul Lee, "KIWA settles Cho Sun Galbi,"
KIWA News, Volume 6, Summer 1998.)
These
restaurants are but a few of the ones that are violating immigrant
workers’ rights. The people that are boycotting and demonstrating
said it was necessary in light of recent Department of Labor
sweeps that found 33 of 35 Koreatown restaurants in violation
of wage or overtime laws, with about 200 workers owed roughly
$95,000 in back wages.
Interviews
with some members of the Restaurant Workers Association of
Koreatown (RWAK)
On
February 27, 2002, we attended a RWAK meeting. RWAK has its
weekly meetings in Spanish on Wednesday mornings at 8:30 a.m.
at the KIWA office. The meeting gave us an opportunity to
put real faces and voices to the struggle facing our communities
today in 2002. There were about 30 workers not only
from restaurants but also from markets who attended the meeting.
It was aimed to educate workers of their wages and inalienable
rights.
Roman
Vargas, who once was also a restaurant worker that was
exploited, now is a pillar of strength for others to utilize
as the head of RWAK. He has the empathy and is fueled with
the desire and commitment to change conditions in the workplace.
The meeting soon erupted into a forum where workers
discussed issues and conditions they were facing. The
meeting was a place where fellow workers find strength, support,
and inspiration, desire, and commitment to continue their
struggle for justice. Towards the end of the meeting
we noticed a worker who brought his daughter. It was touching
to see a father bring his child to a meeting to subject her
to the grim reality facing workers, even her father. In
conclusion the meeting was not only used to educate workers
of their rights and wages, but more importantly it became
a place where workers could find compassion, comfort and relief.
All
interviews were conducted in Spanish and were translated into
English thereafter.
Interview
A:
Q: How
are you?
A: Very
good, thanks.
Q: Your
name?
A: Roman
Vargas.
Q: What’s
your position on the Koreatown Restaurant Workers Association?
A: I’m
the head of the association for Korean Restaurant Workers.
Q: What
do you do as the head leader?
A: My
position is giving seminars to the workers of the restaurants
so they know their rights as workers.
Q: Why
did you start working here"?
A: Because
when I came here I also worked 12 hours for 500 dollars in
Korean restaurants. And the work exploitation was very
strong so we had to try to avoid exploitation. Only by
organizing ourselves, can we avoid exploitation.
Q: What
do you want in the future?
A: We
want our own organization and workers be paid the just wage
and they pay us what’s just.
Interview
B:
Q: What’s
your name?
A: Mario.
Q: Where
do you work?
A: I
work in the California Market.
Q: What
are the conditions like where you work?
A: They
are not good.
Q: Why?
A: They
make us sign contracts that hurt us.
Q: When
you came from Mexico what did you think work would be like?
A: I
came here 11 years ago, and I thought I was going to have
a better life but it hasn’t been like that.
Q: What
do you want in the future?
A: To
legalize ourselves, to have better working conditions, and
better opportunities for all of us.
Interview
C:
Q: What
is your name?
A: Angel.
Q: Where
do you work?
A: A
Korean restaurant.
Q: What
are the working conditions like?
A: They
are not good. They treat us differently. They treat Latinos
worse than Koreans.
Q: When
did you come from Mexico and what did you think work conditions
would be like?
A: I
came here 4 years ago and thought it would be different and
that they would treat us the same.
Q: What
do you want in the future?
A: That
they treat us the same and that the treatment is just.
Interview
D:
Q: What
is your name?
A: Ruben.
Q: Where
do you work?
A: I
work in a Korean restaurant.
Q: What
are the conditions like?
A: They
are very bad. For example, the Koreans would be reading the
newspaper and we’ll be doing all the work. So it’s
different.
Q: When
you came from Mexico how did you think the working conditions
would be like?
A: I
thought it was going to be a lot different. The truth is there
is a lot of technology here compared to my country and
I came with a different mentality. I came to try modernity
(a modern life). I have some background education, so
I thought it was going to be a lot different.
Q: What
do you want in the future?
A: I
want the laws to be changed. I want them to treat us differently.
If Koreans are reading newspapers, why can’t we?
If they are listening to music, why can’t we?
Although
currently there is not a particular restaurant to campaign,
as Vargas mentioned above, his main role is to educate these
immigrant workers to ensure that they are working under fair
labor conditions. All three of the Latino workers expressed
that they wanted justice and just wages. It is also important
to note that some of these immigrant workers come from Mexico
with educated backgrounds, but here in the United States,
their credentials don’t equate to their labor wages they
receive. In addition, these three Latino workers indicate
that discrimination in the Korean-owned restaurant industry
is still prevalent. Ruben questioned, "If Koreans are
reading newspapers, why can’t we? If they are listening
to music, why can’t we?"
Conclusion
As
real as the feedback from the interviews above indicate, labor
exploitation is still a significant struggle in the Koreatown
community. Because of expanding globalization, every year
thousands of vulnerable, undocumented immigrants come to the
restaurant industry seeking means to support themselves and
their families financially. On a positive note, KIWA’s
efforts to promote awareness of California labor laws have
impacted the working community, but there is still more to
be done and still more workers to reach. At least with the
spread of more information, the knowledge can bind the workers
to building empowerment and unity, whether he/she is Korean,
Latino/a, or of any other ethnicity.
We
feel that educating the employers and employees about the
California Labor laws and promoting ethnic ties rather than
dividers would be an effective medium towards enhancing the
working dynamics within the Koreatown area. The spread of
this mechanism has the potential to isolate such instances
and encourage better working conditions for the employees.
We feel that the Koreatown community and the Asian American
community have not been fully conscious or supportive of these
labor struggles. As much as we can imagine the hardships that
a small business owner may face, we do not feel that people
have been sympathetic enough to the efforts that their employees
put in to run the business. Patrons of Koreatown’s restaurants
are ignorant and they need to see what has been hidden from
them.
Throughout
our research, we’ve come to the realization that although
ethnicity was once used as a class and divider, today as seen
through the restaurant workers association, it is no longer
a barrier but more of an essential element towards building
collectivity. We also have noticed that the organizing has
been passed from Korean women workers in the past to Latino
male workers in the present. Across the ethnic groups, language
is shared and understood by all in the Koreatown community.
In
addition, gender relations between the male employer and female
employee have changed for the better. In Korean tradition,
the mentality of male domination lead to the mistreatment
of women, but today gender dynamics have improved to promote
better working conditions. Regardless of what industry or
working class, laborers deserve fair conditions and compensation.
Above all, the restaurant workers indicated that they wanted
to be treated with respect and dignity.
Our
research has outlined the historical timelines of the restaurant
workers organizing and provides a sense of hope that working
conditions will continue to be sought for improvements, socially,
financially, physically, and mentally. As UCLA students, we
are aware that the movements cannot be carried without support
and knowledge first and foremost. Since we have that knowledge,
it is our duty to do what we can to apply our awareness in
action in our normal everyday lives.
This
research has brought us to have a changing attitude toward
the struggles that the lower working class face. Knowing that
the undocumented workers have become empowered enough to speak
up against their employer bounds us to a sense of respect
for their courage. More importantly, we have come to respect
their stands against discrimination. Now whenever we go into
a Koreatown restaurant, all of us can better acknowledge their
struggles with respect. Upon the beginning of our research,
we as Asian Americans were not fully aware of the oppression
that these Latino laborers were facing. More so, we did not
fully become conscious until now that we are a part of the
group that was/is doing the oppressing.
This
research project has allowed us to broaden our scope of understanding
within this struggle. However, sadly we realize that many
other members of the Asian American communities alike are
not aware of the injustices within the Koreatown restaurant
industry (or any other profit-making enterprise): its harmful
working conditions, unjust payroll practices, and discriminatory
environment. After having heard these voices of struggle,
we react more sensitively to this cause and have come to better
appreciate the interethnic unity that has been formed as a
result. We hope that our research becomes an essential element
towards paving the path towards social change.
Works
cited
"Employees
Settle Wage Claim With K-Town Restaurant," Korea Times.
6 April 2001.
Korean
Immigrant Workers Advocates. KIWA. 12 Feb 2002. www.kiwa.org
Lee,
John, "Real Good Food at a Price," Gidra. Spring
1999, Volume 1, Issue 1.
Lee,
Paul, "KIWA Settles Cho Sun Galbi," KIWA News.
Volume 6, Summer 1998.
Louie,
Miriam Ching Yoon, Sweatshop Warriors. Cambridge, Massachusetts:
South End Press, 2001.
Multi-Ethnic
Immigrant Workers Organizing Network. MIWON Immigrant Workers.
Handout.
Multi-Ethnic
Immigrant Workers Organizing Network. MIWON. Handout.
Sunwoo,
Liz. Activist/Organizer, Korean Immigrant Workers Advocates
(KIWA). Personal Interview. 22 Feb. 2002.
"Victory
at Baek Hwa Jung," Koreatown Restaurant Workers Justice
Campaign. January 1999.
WEBSITES
www.indymedia.org
www.latimes.com
www.kiwa.org
www.asianweek.com
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