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Testimonio by Reynaldo Macias at 1999 Movimiento at UCLA Conference

What I would like to do is talk about two things if I may or to at least highlight two things. One thing I found in coming back and being directly involved in the running of the Chicano Studies Program in the last five months is how much thirty years ago really is a long time ago, not only for those of us who remember thirty years ago, but, particularly for those that have been born since then, which constitutes a great number if not most all of the undergraduate students at most of the institutions in California in higher education. When Nixon went to China they had a lot of specials in the early 70's about the Chinese society, history, and culture. I remember one older gentleman who had walked with Mao and had been active in the Revolution who was asked if there is one thing that you would like to identify as the greatest challenge that the Revolution has now in the early 70's what would that be. And, he said, "the challenge is to teach our young children what it was like and why the revolution was necessary." The development, the maintenance, the transmission of history is an extremely important way to do that but that means that we have to have in some ways our own intellectual work, our own communications means, and our own commitment to making that history be with us and be alive. So in that sense let me kind of give you a brief profile of what it was like in the mid 60's and then talk more specifically about student organizing some of which will complement what has been said and I hope add some additional things. Some of these things are in your program so I won't go through in any detail on this stuff.

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1950's and 1960's was particularly important. Particularly the role of what was known as civil disobedience. The anti-war movement which really got started in the mid 1960's and late 1960's was one that continued to promote that. We had the Free Speech Movement identified, well, there were also the beatniks in the 50's and the hippies in the 60's that were counter cultural groups that said basically the values of this society, and a particularly money driven society is something to be rejected and substituted with something else.

The Sexual Revolution was changing all kinds of things not only relationships between men and women but the role of the family and other kinds of social organizations within society. There were also major federal initiatives during the 1960's and a very flush capital time that included the passage of the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act, and any other number of major national legislation that changed the way we did things that attempted to "open up society".

It was also very much of a segregated society while de jour segregation was falling by the way side de facto segregation was still the norm. Dick Gregory, a comedian, activist, black, at the time said "you know my son watches TV all the time. I came home one time and he was watching TV and he says," "Daddy you know what I am glad I am Black." and he said "Why?" The son said, "because Black people don't get sick." He had been watching all of these medical programs that were the rage in the mid 1960's on television and he never saw a Black person who got sick and so he was happy he would not be sick. That's the kind of absence, the kind of social image that our mass communication was providing. The role of the Mexican through the mass media was the Frito Bandido. I said that the other day and somebody said, "What's that?" It was a commercial for Frito's that included a carichature of a bandido in small cartoonish way that was used to promote frito's. White actors it was common for them to play not only roles of white people but also roles of Indian peoples, of Mexicans when there were Mexican roles, and in black face they even played Africans, Black Africans in any number…If any of you like to watch old movies go back to the fifties and sixties and you will find that that is not an uncommon kind of thing.

This is the social part of what we were dealing with then. So when we talk about there being sixty or eighty Spanish surname in 1965, most of them were foreign students. They were not even Chicanos. This institution reflected the rest of society in that respect. But beyond that we were also not a national presence as Chicanos or Latinos. We were considered a regional minority. If anything we were in the five southwestern states by that of the eleven that were taken from Mexico in 184 and in that respect did not have the political value of attention and access to those that were involved in national politics, including that being reflected in local political and other organizations.

With all of that, What about student organizing and activity on campus? Well, let me give you a short profile and I make no pretension, if you will, at this being totally accurate, because like Ron or like my son said about ten years ago, "First the hair and then the memory goes" and, as you can see, I probably had a lot of problems with my memory. But this is part of what we need if we are really going to be concerned about this beyond the small number of articles and a couple of books that have been focused on this period politically. If we are going to focus on student activism not only on this campus but on other campuses then there really is a lot of primary work that needs to be done and a lot of collection of documents that will put this in accurate perspective.

But on this campus I came in January in 1965 from Garfield High School. There was activity with the grape boycott and later the lettuce boycott. There was activity with regard to Civil Rights and there were Chicanos the few that were here, some of them were politically involved in these efforts. These were multinational activist organizations and activities on this campus.

EOP was started in fall of 1964 but it was primarily a program that served Black student in South Central bringing them to UCLA. The four Chicanos that were admitted in fall of 1964 did not continue that year or not all of them continued that year except for one. One of them decided to go to a community college to beef up his academic skills before he came to a University, Another one dropped out and decided not to go to college right then. And I forget what the third one did. But the fourth one did continue and as a matter of fact he still works here at UCLA, Carlos Haro.

I came in in January of that first academic year as part of an effort to expand the diversity of the EOP enrollment to include more Chicanos. That proved to be a key decision point on that part of that program because many of the early undergraduate students that came in during that period came in through EOP, which at that time was primarily was a financial assistance program and later grew to include support services and other kinds of things. In 1966/67 activist high school students were admitted through EOP and continued their activism on campus particularly related back to their high school campuses but also some were involved in electoral activities, particularly, democratic political activities. Not all of the activities were political, as I have mentioned some were involved in community organizations as well.

In 67/68 UMAS was organized it is important to keep in mind that there was a central UMAS as well. This was taking place at a lot of campuses that people were visiting campuses as meetings were called and finding out not only about the kind of organizational statements that Becky read, but, just the rhetoric and the feeling of the times as things were mounting. While there was a major social activism going on there were no real Chicano or Latino voices while we had the G.I. Forum we had LULAC we had the Community Service Organization. We had other organizations that involved Chicanos there was not a presence of these organizations in this what was being called a movement. And so movement organizations were distinguished from older some would say Mexican American organizations but even that distinction was less hard.

In 67/68 aside from organizing students the Blowouts took place which was the high school walkouts. This galvanized much of the student activity on this campus and given that there were already students that were involved with high school activities in the previous campuses that they were in this just broadened to a much larger number of people and was one of the galvanizing activities of Chicano student organizing here on campus. That also involved us in things like EICC but also in the Congresso in EAST L.A. (SKIP in tape).

The 68/69 academic year I think saw a retreat to campus based activity. And there was one particular event that I think helped galvanize the retreat to the campus and that was a fraternity party that was kind of like the Viva Zapata party but had a long list on a scroll that said no greasers, no spics, no whores, etc.etc. We took it upon ourselves as a student organization to challenge a fraternity's right or privigledge to be so publicly demeaning to quite a large number of people and we basically took it to the fraternity council, to the student groups and to the administration. It involved building occupations, confrontations with the Chancellor, and any number of other things. But it became a galvanizing activity because it was a reflection of the social discrimination of the status of Mexicans that we were attempting to reject and to change. And with that I think the focus of activities changed as well too much of what went on on the campus.

The 69/70 and 68/69 years then included participation of a much larger number of Chicanas and Chicanos in not only some of the programs that have been mentioned, but also others that were already ongoing and supported by the student government and others that we created ourselves. Let me say that there were a number of coalitions that were built and that the interactions between the different ethnic student groups was important. It wasn't always smooth but keep in mind that at one UMAS meeting, Maulana Ron Karenga was invited to give a talk. AT that point we began to see also Chicano students that were a part of MEChA that were not from the LA area. One was Carlos Vasquez from New Mexico that answered one question that Ron happened to make to the group "How many of you are willing to pick up a rifle and fight for your community?" There was only one hand that went up and that was Carlos Vasquez or Carl Vasquez then. And part of the reason was and we learned or some of us learned that there had been armed insurrection in Northern New Mexico around the land grants and Reyes Tjerina and a number of others in that part of the southwest were actively and in armed rebellion against the government for what was seen as historical rights to the land and a way of living in Northern New Mexico for Chicanos and Latinos. So in that sense it was a tremendous learning experience not only in the sense of building programs but in the sense of who we were and how diverse we were and where we were around the country. A friend of ours one who will speak later Teresa McKenna joined the Black Students Union before she joined UMAS and part of that is that one of her best friends joined the Black Student Union and so she went along and that was her participation to student activism before she went into doing things with Chicano Students. And it was not that it was an either or but what a part of what I am saying here is the connections both personal, political, and social across these organizations sometimes overlooked.

Campbell hall presented a major first physical setting for us to interact and in that way probably gave us some strength but also ghettoized us on the campus but we took that ghettoization as a base and foundation to build from. We also distinguished between alliances and coalitions. Alliances as I remember correctly are long term relationships while coalitions were tactical and were temporary. But they were based on mutual interest and shared power and those kind of distinctions were much more sophisticated political relationships that students groups were involved in and later on helped us basically to survive and as someone mentioned to watch each others back. Particularly when the atmosphere wasn't quite as open to participate in some of these activities we needed to watch each other backs. MEChA elections were infiltrated with all kinds of law enforcement officers from different agencies. Once the Pinto Movement got active in the late 60's and early 70's there were different shades of commitment if you will to the political goals of the Chicano movement and the diversity of what was being attempted and by whom. One also had to watch the leftist organizations and their infiltrations or attempts to control student groups. So these are things that in some ways criss cross us today but represent the context with in which Chicano student organizing took place in that period of time.

1960s Panel Testimonios



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