United Mexican American Students (UMAS) of UCLA organized demonstrations against proposed tuition increase. UMAS held a demonstration in Meyerhoff Park on the UCLA campus in response to the fee hike proposed by UC Regents. UMAS contends that the proposed $156.00 dollar increase per year will hurt the economically under privileged students aspiring to higher education. United Mexican American Students fear the fee increase will have a detrimental impact on the amount of students attending the UC system from the Mexican-American community and reduce the number of those who will attain a secondary education. The two day rally is the first mobilization on campus by students. Students publicly declare their disagreement with policy from the UC system. UMAS California State chapters, such as CSULA, had a rally to support all the UC chapters in their struggle. The demonstrations on the various campuses demonstrated the political consciousness of the organization as well as their communication and solidarity.

UMAS organizes the UMAS "Mexican American in the Southwest" Symposium at UCLA. The event is the first of its kind to bring together significant leaders of Mexican communities from the Southwest. The event marks the pivotal role that UCLA Chicano students play in the Chicano movement. The Ackerman Grand Ballroom becomes the center of dialogue on issues of racism, segregation, education and liberation for students from throughout the Southwest. The symposium sparks discussion around these issues and their effect on Mexican American people in this country. The speakers include Reies Tijerina, Bert Corona, Luis Valdez, Corky Gonzalez and Ralph Guzman, Director of the Mexican American Study Project at UCLA. This event is organized by Susan Racho, Ray Macias and Monti Esparza of UMAS. The leaders of the

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UCLA Chicano students help organize the Congress of Mexican American Unity. The Congress is an attempt to solidify the Mexican community's voting power and elect the first Mexican American politicians to represent the East Los Angeles community. The congress theme, "Unidad-Poder-Victoria" captures the spirit of the five hundred and fifty delegates representing over fifty community organizations that came together to support the first Mexican American candidates to serve the Eastside. The Mexican American population in the East Los Angeles community until this day has not been represented by candidates that are sympathetic and concerned for their issues. The congress for the first time creates an alliance between community organizations to meet and select under community consensus electoral candidates to run for assembly, senatorial and congressional district positions. New sources of political power in the community emerged from three main blocks (in order of strength and voting power): labor, Town Halls, UMAS and MAPA chapters. UMAS of UCLA had twenty-three participants attend the milestone event that supported Richard Calderon for the 27^th State Senatorial District, James Cruz, 40^th for the Assembly District, Phil Ortiz, for the 51^st Assembly District, Charles Pineda for the 45^th Assembly District, Ralph Guzman for the 29^th Congressional District and Ed Roybal, for the 30^th Congressional District.

UMAS demonstrates against Phi Kappa Psi's "Viva Zapata" Party. At the party a banner is hung in the front of the fraternity house representing the Mexican flag. In the center of the flag is a hand with the middle finger sticking up and replacing the emblem of the eagle. The banner of the flag is accompanied by a scroll with a list of non-invites, using derogatory names that refer to Mexicans or Chicanos, Blacks and others referring to ethnic groups, religious groups and to the gay community. The event leads United Mexican American Students to take action and protest the defamation of the Mexican flag and the public display of discrimination. The protest is supplemented by a position paper by the organization denouncing the Phi Kappa Psi party, and demanding disciplinary action be taken. The effort by UMAS leads to a suspension of the fraternity and a backlash by the Greek system. Members of the Panhellic Council feel the disciplinary action is not justified. The controversy becomes an example of the racism and prejudice that is publicly discussed in the Mexican American Symposium. Other UCLA students accuse UMAS of overreacting. The militancy and pressure tactics employed by UMAS come to demonstrate its organization and desire for change. The commotion brings a consciouceness to the UCLA campus about racism and the lack of tolerance for such a thing.

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Mexican-American Cultural Center begins operation at UCLA. Gilbert Garcia is appointed as Coordinator by the Steering Committee. Later becomes the "Chicano Studies Center"

The High Potential Program at UCLA (1968-1971) is implemented by UMAS, the Black Student Union (BSA) with the support of Concerned Staff and Faculty. The unique aspect of this program is its redefinition of the criteria for University admission and potential for college success. The program focuses on students that were active in their communities and would not have met the regular admission criteria. Students meeting this criteria include youth that had dropped out of high school and/or had been incarcerated. The curriculum is comprised of one year of preparation courses that incorporate cultural awareness and literary work by Chicanos and Mexicanos. In addition the High Potential program offers tutoring, personal counseling, instruction in verbal and quantitative skills, and in social studies. At the same time the program offers a cultural heritage service component.

The program is a step toward redefining the role of the University and its relationship to the local communities. It is developed in the wake of the Watts uprisings and the need for Affirmative Action programs. Program organizers incorporate a holistic approach to education services, by supplementing education with cultural support, and emotional support for students of color at UCLA. The experimental project proved to academia that success in higher education can be attained by people who simply have a desire and drive to learn. The skills become a trade that can be learned and supplemented if desired. The program became an example of community education that challenges the elite model of education assumed by institutions of higher education.

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The Santa Barbara and the document El Plan de Santa Barbara reflect the attempts by Chicanos to reform education and develop a plan for higher education. The conference emphasized educational reform in "three areas; administrative reform, K-12; the promulgation of a bilingual-bicultural curriculum; and access for student, faculty, and staff in higher education"⁽³⁾. The conference demonstrates the significance and high priority the Chicano community places on education reform.

The central issue involving the plan for higher education was the development of Chicano studies programs in universities and colleges. The conference and the Plan de Santa Barbara demonstrate the efforts by Chicanos to "provide conceptual cohesion, (and) to develop common guidelines, . . ."⁽⁴⁾ for Chicano studies programs. The shared conceptualization and common guidelines provide a fundamental foundation to coordinate political and organizational programs statewide to promote a particular vision of education. The focal point of the conference and the plan designed is to advance and spread the establishment of Chicano studies programs. The conference is pivotal in the establishment and continual fight to legitimize the Chicana and Chicano experience in our society and find ways to support our communities.

1. Bean, Walton and James J. Rawls California: An Interpretive History; pg. 395.,

2. Carta Universitaria (Mexican American Cultural Center, UCLA) [Edited by Roberto Sifuentes] Vol. I, No. I, July 15,1969; p.2.

3. Gomez-Quinones, Juan. Chicano Politics; Reality and Promise 1940-1990; pg. 123.

4. Gomez-Quinones, Juan. Chicano Politics; Reality and Promise 1940-1990; pg. 122-123.